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The economic agenda that Abiy announced shortly after taking office proposed that the government would open state-owned telecoms, electricity and logistics, as well as the highly profitable national airline, to foreign investors for the first time.[qh]
阿比就职后不久宣布的经济议程提议，政府将首次向外国投资者开放国有电信、电力和物流，以及利润丰厚的国家航空公司。[qh]
It would also allow for the full or partial privatisation of railways, ailing sugar factories, industrial parks, hotels and some manufacturing firms.[qh]
它还将允许铁路、境况不佳的糖厂、工业园区、酒店和一些制造企业全部或部分私有化。[qh]
Ethiopia's application to the World Trade Organization, long stalled, was to be revived.[qh]
埃塞俄比亚申请加入世界贸易组织的进程长期停滞不前，但现在将重新启动。[qh]
Plans to establish Ethiopia's first stock exchange were also to be sped up.[qh]
计划建立埃塞俄比亚的第一个证券交易所也将加快。[qh]
The Ethiopian birr was to be aggressively devalued and, eventually, floated.[qh]
埃塞俄比亚比尔将被大幅贬值，并最终实现浮动汇率。[qh]
Abiy now likened both the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to a “mother” because of their generous lending terms, and called on them to guide his government's Homegrown Economic Reform Agenda – so named to counter allegations that it had been written to appease international financial institutions and investors.[qh]
阿比现在将世界银行和国际货币基金组织（IMF）比作“母亲”，因为它们提供了慷慨的贷款条件，并呼吁它们指导他的政府的本土经济改革议程——之所以这样命名，是为了反驳有关该议程是为了安抚国际金融机构和投资者而编写的指控。[qh]
The TPLF, led by erstwhile revolutionary Marxists, criticised these plans as “temporary solutions” that would not solve Ethiopia's problems.[qh]
提格雷人民解放阵线由昔日的革命马克思主义者领导，批评这些计划是“临时解决方案”，无法解决埃塞俄比亚的问题。[qh]
Western investors and many donors, by contrast, were thrilled.[qh]
西方投资者和许多捐赠者，相比之下，非常兴奋。[qh]
Abiy, it had become clear, viewed free-market capitalism as an aspirational endeavour, perhaps even a moral one.[qh]
阿比伊，很明显，他将自由市场资本主义视为一种有抱负的努力，甚至可能是一种道德上的努力。[qh]
“My model is capitalism,” he proudly told the Financial Times in 2019.[qh]
“我的模式是资本主义，”他在2019年自豪地告诉英国《金融时报》。[qh]
“We need the private sector.”[qh]
“我们需要私营部门。”[qh]
Perhaps more than any other single event, it was the peace deal Abiy struck with Eritrea's tyrannical president, Isaias Afewerki, that set Ethiopia on the path to civil war.[qh]
也许比任何其他单一事件更重要的是，阿比与厄立特里亚暴君总统伊萨亚斯·阿费沃基达成的和平协议，使埃塞俄比亚走上了内战的道路。[qh]
This deal was among the elements of Abiy's early success most energetically promoted by the US.[qh]
这项协议是阿比早期成功的要素之一，也是美国最积极推动的。[qh]
In 2017, Donald Yamamoto, then America's top diplomat on Africa and a former ambassador and chargé d'affaires in Ethiopia and Eritrea, had been given free rein by the Trump administration to explore a settlement that might bring both Ethiopia and Eritrea away from China and back inside the US orbit.[qh]
2017年，时任美国非洲事务最高外交官、曾任驻埃塞俄比亚和厄立特里亚大使和代办的唐纳德·山本（DonaldYamamoto）获得了特朗普政府的自由授权，探索一项解决方案，可能使埃塞俄比亚和厄立特里亚都远离中国，并回到美国的轨道内。[qh]
Liberal squeamishness about engaging with a serial human-rights abuser like Afewerki – who runs Eritrea, according to the UN and human rights groups, like a slave state – became a matter of less and less concern.[qh]
自由派对与像阿费沃基这样的连环人权侵犯者打交道时的敏感——据联合国和人权组织称，他把厄立特里亚管理得像一个奴隶国家——变得越来越不令人担忧。[qh]
Yamamoto visited Abiy in Addis Ababa shortly after the new prime minister was appointed in April 2018.[qh]
山本在2018年4月新总理被任命后不久，在亚的斯亚贝巴拜访了阿比。[qh]
“Abiy was looking for an angle to define who he was going to be as prime minister,” the diplomat recalled in an interview after he had left government.[qh]
“阿比正在寻找一个角度来定义他将成为什么样的总理，”这位外交官在离开政府后接受采访时回忆道。[qh]
“So he said to me and Ambassador Raynor: ‘What do you want me to do?[qh]
“于是他对我说和雷纳大使说：‘你们想要我做什么？[qh]
What does America want me to do?'[qh]
美国希望我做什么？’[qh]
And I replied: ‘Well, what we want you to do is bring a conclusion to the Ethiopia-Eritrea dispute after 20 years.'[qh]
我回答说：“好吧，我们希望你做的是在20年后为埃塞俄比亚-厄立特里亚争端带来一个结论。”[qh]
… So that was what we wanted to get out of it – and he did it. He took it. He took the ball.”[qh]
……所以这就是我们想要从中得到的——而他做到了。他拿走了它。他拿了球。”[qh]
