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When we spoke in January, the Palestinian scholar Tareq Baconi said that “the major misconception” at the core of the dominant discourse about Hamas is the idea that “if Hamas as a security threat was undermined, Israel will have no issue with the Palestinians”.[qh]
当我们在一月份谈话时，巴勒斯坦学者塔里克·巴科尼说，关于哈马斯的主流话语的核心“主要误解”是“如果哈马斯作为一个安全威胁被削弱，以色列将不会与巴勒斯坦人有任何问题”。[qh]
But if “Hamas were to disappear tomorrow,” he said, the Israeli blockade on Gaza and military rule in the West Bank would remain.[qh]
但他说，如果“哈马斯明天就消失”，以色列对加沙的封锁和对约旦河西岸的军事统治将继续存在。[qh]
“There's this tendency to suggest that this is a war between Israel and Hamas rather than a war between Israel and Palestinians, which places Hamas outside of Palestinians,” he added.[qh]
他说:“有一种倾向认为，这是以色列和哈马斯之间的战争，而不是以色列和巴勒斯坦之间的战争，这就把哈马斯排除在巴勒斯坦人之外。”[qh]
“It's an inability to address the political drivers animating Palestinians.”[qh]
“这无法激励巴勒斯坦人的政治驱动因素。”[qh]
Khaled Elgindy, who is a former adviser to the Palestinian Authority (PA) leadership on negotiations with Israel and now a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute thinktank,[qh]
哈立德·埃尔金迪曾是巴勒斯坦权力机构领导层与以色列谈判的顾问，现在是中东研究所智库的高级研究员。[qh]
argues that any postwar arrangement that excludes Hamas will be doomed to repeat the mistakes that led to the current war.[qh]
他认为，任何将哈马斯排除在外的战后安排都注定要重蹈导致当前战争的覆辙。[qh]
“It's exactly this notion of: 'We're going to make peace with this group of Palestinians while we make war with that group of Palestinians,'” which had served as the rationale for Israel's economic suffocation and periodic bombardment of the Gaza Strip, he told me.[qh]
他告诉我，“正是这种观念:‘我们要与这一派巴勒斯坦人和平相处，同时我们要与那一派巴勒斯坦人开战。’”这一错误观点正是以色列经济窒息和对加沙地带进行周期性轰炸的根本原因。[qh]
“That's nonsensical in terms of conflict resolution.”[qh]
“就解决冲突而言，这是荒谬的。”[qh]
“Hamas is a fact of political life in Gaza and in the Palestinian scene in general.[qh]
埃尔金迪表示，“哈马斯是加沙和整个巴勒斯坦政治生活的现实。[qh]
And if anything, it is much more relevant today than it's ever been,” Elgindy said.[qh]
如果说有什么特别的话，那就是它在今天比以往任何时候都更加重要。”[qh]
In an article for Foreign Affairs published late last year, he expanded on his view that Hamas must form part of a postwar settlement.[qh]
在去年年底发表于《外交事务》的一篇文章中，他进一步阐述了自己的观点，即哈马斯必须成为战后解决方案的一部分。[qh]
The goal, wrote Elgindy, should be to incorporate Hamas and other hardline militant factions into the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the umbrella group dominated by the secular-nationalist party Fatah, which is recognised as the sole official representative of the Palestinian people on the world stage.[qh]
埃尔金迪写道，其目标应该是将哈马斯和其他强硬的武装派别纳入巴勒斯坦解放组织(巴解组织)，这是一个由非宗教民族主义政党法塔赫主导的伞形组织，被认为是巴勒斯坦人民在世界舞台上的唯一官方代表。[qh]
Elgindy believes that Palestinian politics could contain Hamas's rejectionism alongside the Palestinian Authority's cooperation with Israel, just as Israeli politics includes parties that support and those that oppose engagement with the Palestinian Authority.[qh]
埃尔金迪认为，巴勒斯坦政治可以在巴勒斯坦权力机构与以色列合作的同时，包含哈马斯的拒绝派，就像以色列政治包括支持和反对与巴勒斯坦权力机构接触的政党一样。[qh]
In the short term, he acknowledged, that might make “achieving a two-state solution harder, because they're going to have a veto the same way any opposition does”.[qh]
他承认，在短期内，这可能会使“实现两国解决方案变得更加困难，因为他们将像任何反对派一样拥有否决权”。[qh]
But in the long run, Elgindy continued, integrating Hamas into the PLO might begin to heal the persistent split in the Palestinian national movement, which has provided Israel with a convenient excuse for refusing to participate in any negotiations.[qh]
但从长远来看，埃尔金迪继续说，将哈马斯纳入巴解组织可能会开始治愈巴勒斯坦民族运动中持续存在的分裂，这种分裂为以色列拒绝参加任何谈判提供了方便的借口。[qh]
If Hamas were to agree to abide by the agreements signed between Israel and the PLO, not only would this increase the chances that a peace agreement might last, it would also curtail Hamas's ability “to act as a free agent and be the spoiler it can be”, Elgindy said.[qh]
埃尔金迪说，如果哈马斯同意遵守以色列和巴解组织之间签署的协议，这不仅会增加和平协议持久的机会，还会削弱哈马斯“作为自由主体和破坏者”的能力。[qh]
