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Remarks with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov after Their Meeting
John Kerry, Secretary of State
Sergey Lavrov, Russian Foreign Minister
Intercontinental Hotel, Geneva, Switzerland
September 14, 2013
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, thank you very much for your patience, not just this morning, but over the last couple of days. We’re very appreciative and particularly grateful to Sergey Lavrov, who stayed extra time from what he had originally planned, hoping we’d finish sooner, and this gave us additional opportunity to be able to work through some of the issues.
I especially want to thank the cooperative effort of Sergey Lavrov, who has worked hard, and his entire delegation, including teams of the world’s foremost chemical weapons experts who have joined us here for the important discussions that we’ve had over the last two days.
Two weeks ago, President Obama made the decision that because of the egregious use of chemical weapons in Syria against innocent Syrian citizens, women and children, all indiscriminately murdered in the night – it claimed the lives even of people trying to rescue people – he believed it was critical for the world to say, “No more.” The President made the difficult decision that after multiple warnings, it was his decision that the time had come to take military action to deter future use of such weapons. But he also made the decision that we needed to take time to enlist the support of the Congress and the American people. And I have no doubt that the combination of the threat of force and the willingness to pursue diplomacy helped to bring us to this moment.
But diplomacy requires willing partners. And I want to thank President Putin for his willingness to pick up on the possibility of negotiating an end to Syrian weapons of mass destruction. His willingness to embrace ideas for how to accomplish this goal, and his willingness to send Foreign Minister Lavrov here to pursue this effort was essential to getting to this point. And I want to thank Sergey Lavrov for his diligent efforts and the efforts of his entire delegation, who worked hard and in good faith to overcome difficulties, and even disagreements, in order to try to find a way, through tireless efforts, to get us where we are today.
I also want to thank Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius of France, with whom we’ve partnered and consulted, as well as Foreign Minister William Hague of the United Kingdom, both of whom will meet with me in Paris on Monday in order to discuss the road ahead.
For nearly 100 years, the world has embraced the international norm against the use of chemical weapons. And the principles that the United States and the Russian Federation have agreed on today can, with accountable follow-through, allow us to expedite the elimination of Syria’s chemical weapons. Providing this framework is fully implemented, it can end the threat these weapons pose not only to the Syrian people, but also to their neighbors, to the region, and because of the threat of proliferation, this framework can provide greater protection and security to the world.
We said at the outset that to accomplish our goal, this plan had to produce transparency, accountability, timeliness, and enforceability. It must be credible and verifiable. If fully implemented, we believe it can meet these standards. The world will now expect the Assad regime to live up to its public commitments. And as I said at the outset of these negotiations, there can be no games, no room for avoidance or anything less than full compliance by the Assad regime. I thank Sergey Lavrov for his efforts to try to guarantee the genuine aspects of this framework.
So let me just outline specifically where we are, and the steps that the United States and Russia have agreed to take under this framework.
First, the scope: We have reached a shared assessment of the amount and type of chemical weapons possessed by the Assad regime, and we are committed to the rapid assumption of control by the international community of those weapons.
Second, specific timelines: The United States and Russia are committed to the elimination of Syrian chemical weapons in the soonest and safest manner. We agreed that Syria must submit, within a week – not in 30 days, but in one week – a comprehensive listing. And additional details will be addressed regarding that in the coming days.
Third, the unprecedented use of Chemical Weapons Convention procedures is an important component of this framework. We have committed to use extraordinary procedures under the Chemical Weapons Convention for the expeditious destruction and stringent verification of Syrian chemical weapons.
Fourth, verification and monitoring: In the interest of accountability, the United States and Russia have agreed that the Syrians must provide the Organization for the Prevention of Chemical Weapons and supporting personnel with an immediate and unfettered right to inspect any and all sites in Syria.
Fifth, destruction: We have agreed to destroy all chemical weapons, including the possibility of removing weapons for destruction outside of Syria. We have also reached a side agreement on methodology.
Fifth, finally, consequences – sixth, excuse me: Our agreement today strengthens the OPCW – the Organization for the Prevention of Chemical Weapons Executive Council decision to use the Chemical Weapons Convention extraordinary procedures in order to ensure full implementation. It also provides for UN administrative and logistical support to the OPCW for inspections and destruction. In the event of noncompliance, we have committed to impose measures under Chapter 7 within the UN Security Council.
Ultimately, perhaps more so than anywhere in the world, actions will matter more than words. In the case of the Assad regime, President Reagan’s old adage about “Trust but verify” – “Doveryai no proveryai”, I think, is the saying – that is in need of an update. And we have committed here to a standard that says, “Verify and verify.”
But I also want to be clear about the endgame here. If we can join together and make this framework a success and eliminate Syria’s chemical weapons, we would not only save lives, but we would reduce the threat to the region, and reinforce an international standard, an international norm. We could also lay the groundwork for further cooperation that is essential to end the bloodshed that has consumed Syria for more than two years.
What we agreed on here today could conceivably be the first critical, concrete step in that direction. The United States and Russia have long agreed that there is no military solution to the conflict in Syria. It has to be political. It has to happen at the negotiating table. And we, together, remain deeply committed to getting there. From the beginning, President Obama has repeated again and again there is no military solution. We must find a political solution through diplomacy.
Foreign Minister Lavrov and I have long talked about the importance of creating the conditions for a political settlement that implements the Geneva 1 communique. We will very soon be meeting again. We’ve agreed to meet on the margins of the UN General Assembly with Lakhdar Brahimi in order to try to advance these two linked, parallel efforts. And we have no illusions about the challenges ahead.
The United States and Russia have not always seen eye to eye; that is known. And we still don’t see eye to eye on everything. But we will not lose sight of the fact, together, that the implementation of this framework, which will require the vigilance and the investment of the international community and full accountability of the Assad regime, presents a hard road ahead. Ensuring that a dictator’s wanton use of chemical weapons never again comes to pass, we believe, is worth pursuing and achieving. And President Obama is determined that we work hard in the days ahead to travel a path of conscience, and to achieve our goals. And we know that President Putin and Sergey Lavrov are committed to that endeavor.
Thank you.
FOREIGN MINISTER LAVROV: (Via interpreter) Esteemed ladies and gentlemen, I would like to join to – for your patience. And I’m not going to interpret the documents that we have just agreed on. They are going to be submitted. Everyone will be – it will be possible for everyone to look at them.
I just want to state that it’s a decision based on a consensus and a compromise and professionalism. And we have achieved an aim that we had in front of us, in front of our presidents when they talked on the 5th of September, on Friday, in the margins of the G-20 in St. Petersburg, and that later was announced, just not long ago, on the 8th of September, in – on Monday, and the aim is to resolve the solution to put under international control the arsenals of chemical weapons in Syria.
And today, I think in record times, we have an agreed proposal. I would like to state that this is a proposal that should gain – judicial form, a low form, but we cannot overestimate it.
I would like to thank all our American partners, especially John Kerry, for a constructive work in the course of which we could – the rhetoric that was not related to the – our negotiations, and to concrete – on the professionalism and to put under international control of the Syrian chemical weapons arsenal, and for the furtherance of its destruction.
And the parting point was the decision of Damascus to join the OPC – the Convention on Chemical Weapons and the readiness of Damascus to be committed – its obligations to the formal entering into force of this convention after 30 days. And this convention and the obligations by the Damascus – will start implementing its obligations much in advance. We have agreed on the mutual steps that our delegations are going to do in – within the organization, OPCW, according to the procedures of it are enlisted in the CWC, that permit operatively and without any delays, without any difficulties, to resolve the objectives of destruction of chemical arsenals.
We hope that the members of the Executive Committee of the OPCW will share our approaches, the Russian approaches and the American approaches, and to adopt a decision on measures about the chemical weapons in Syria.
We also agreed that we need the support of the activity of OPCW and the Security Council UN, especially on the matters that go beyond the OPCW. And I would like to mention a very important thing of ensuring the safety of work of inspectors. In our proposals, we noted that the main responsibilities will bear the Syrian authorities. But not only them, also other Syrian parties. The opposition should respond to not creating threats to international personnel. And of course, the international personnel must gain the necessary authority.
So, this is – all has to be, in detail, worked out. But the most important thing is the responsibility to – not to put into threat of the personnel is the responsibility of every party, without exclusion. And we also agreed that any violations of procedures that would be approved by the Executive Committee of the OPCW concerning the arsenal of chemical weapons, as well as any facts of applying these chemical weapons, would be looked in the Security Council. And if they are approved, the Security Council will take the measures – required measures, concrete measure – and we have agreed on that. This agreement goes with those decisions that have been achieved in G-8 in Lough Erne in June of this year, and in these decisions it’s underscored our common approach of non-admissibility of the chemical weapons – of use of chemical weapons by anyone, and the necessary information available to the Security Council.
And of course, in these approaches agreed on, there is nothing said about the use of force, not about any automatic sanctions we – as I said, all violations should be approved in the Security Council convincingly. And we understand the decisions that we have reached today is only the beginning of the road. And I have said about it, this fact, to a complete resolution of the objective to put under control and elimination and destruction of the chemical weapons in Syrian Arab Republic.
And we proposing – making our proposals, we are intent, with our American colleagues, to work jointly, especially in the framework of the Executive Committee of the OPCW, where we – and with other members of this organ – have to translate this document with any dual – possible interpretations, logical – legal form, legal language. And this agreement, which needs universal mechanisms, insurance – but we have agreed on it in very brief time, and we – and it shows that when there is a voluntary – that where there’s a will, when we have intent of the states, when we have friendly relations, Russia and the United States can get results on the most important problems, including the weapons of mass destruction problem. And the successful realization of this agreement will have meaning not only from the point of view of the common goal of liquidating and destructing all arsenals of chemical weapons, but also to avoid the military scenario that would be catastrophic for this region and for the international relations on the whole.
And here, with my colleague John Kerry, we have strictly approved our commitment of the regulation situation in Syria. We had talks with Lakhdar Brahimi, where we discussed the way we can, as soon as possible, to move from the deadlock these negotiations the way that the Government of Syria is doing. We’ve done and we’ve said it, and the opposition will, without any reservations, should participate without any preliminary intentions to participate in the Geneva Conference according to the communique of 2012.
And we have discussed and we have both read about, probably, about the statement made near the date of this possible – of this meeting. Russia wanted to make it in September, or even earlier. Probably the day will be in October. But the most important thing is that all parties are present on this conference, not with some special reservations, special conditions, but the way that the Syrians should decide their fate by their own – only on that important objective.
And this – I would like to know the support of our opinions by many countries, but all the countries of the world. Representatives of France, Great Britain, have been mentioned by John Kerry. We are ready to work with them and the Security Council.
But today, I would like to thank the countries of (inaudible), high organization, of cooperation, and many other countries for their forceful support to the approach of regulating the problem of chemical weapons in Syria only by peaceful means. And I hope that today’s meeting permits the – to go on with this work, so not frustrate their hopes. And I would like to say that the resolution of the decision on chemical weapons in Syria will be a big step on – to achieve an important step to make a free zone of weapons in the Middle East. And Russia and the United States agreeing in – within the conference OPCW are coordinators with the UN, should convene such a conference. It should have taken last year, but it is – delayed it unfortunately, between going to – strictly and to – coming to what we have agreed on. And last year, by consensus, we wanted to make this happen in 2012. 2012 has passed, but we consider it’s impossible, when everybody who has influence on the parties for – the parties that should participate in such a conference, they should influence on the coordinating states so that important objective, which also has an important meaning of nonproliferation, will be resolved.
Thank you very much for your patience. We are waiting for your questions.
MODERATOR: The first question will come from Anne Gearan of The Washington Post.
QUESTION: Yes. Good afternoon. And if – Minister Lavrov, if I could beg your indulgence to please give at least part of your answer in English, could we get a couple of specifics, please? When is the first inspection? Is there a deadline for that and for further action? I heard you say, Secretary Kerry, that it would be as soon as safely possible. But what’s your idea of the view of when that might be?
And, separately, can you reconcile what I thought I heard you say, Secretary Kerry, about a Chapter 7 resolution with what Minister Lavrov said about taking this – that this removes the threat of the use of force? Is the threat of the use of force within the Security Council still an option here? And is U.S. military action separate from that still an option? Thank you very much.
FOREIGN MINISTER LAVROV: (Via interpreter) As for the question that you posed to me, I hope that the interpreters who are working here – they are highly – the interpreters are of high level. Therefore, I will continue to speak Russian.
I would emphasize once again that the documents that you will see for yourself, you will be – we will have this opportunity to read the documents, and they do not need any additional interpretations. Everything is clear in these documents. And these documents cannot – the documents of direct effect – these are Russian and American proposals, and they should be considered first and first of all in the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. After this organization and its executive council adopt corresponding decisions, we will tell you exactly when the first inspection will start, and when these inspections will end. In these documents that will be distributed today, you will see those terms that our experts consider reasonable and simultaneously expeditious that would allow – professionally ensure security of the process of placing under control and elimination of the Syrian chemical weapons.
As for your questions to John Kerry, before he touches upon this question, I would call on you to read very attentively our arrangements and what we are going to be guided by. In the Security Council, we decided to support in the Security Council those decisions that will be adopted in the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to develop additional measures of picking up these activities that would reflect this specificities of the competencies of the Security Council, and we also agreed that we will expect full implementation of the requirements provided by the OPCW based on the corresponding convention. And in case these requirements are not implemented or in case anybody will use the chemical weapons, the Security Council will take measures under Article 7 of the Charter of the United Nations.
Of course, it does not mean that every violation that will be reported to the Security Council will be taken by word. Of course, we will investigate every case, because there are a lot of false information, pieces of information in the world, and we should be very cautious about every fact. And when we are sure, 100 percent, then we in the Russian Federation will be ready to adopt new resolution of the Security Council to embed the measures to punish the perpetrators of this violation, and it’s nonsense to continue the speculations on the matter today.
SECRETARY KERRY: So let me, as Sergey did, comment on both sides of it, if I may. First of all, there are timelines in here, and it’s an ambitious goal, and the inspectors must be on the ground no later than November. And the goal is to complete the destruction and removal – and/or removal by halfway through next year, 2014. That is a stated goal within this framework.
