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In 2016, the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) had 5,000 members;
2016年，美国民主社会党(DSA)才5000名成员；
since then, its dues-paying membership has multiplied more than tenfold.
到目前，该党派的付费会员人数已经增长十倍不止。
This new energy on the left terrifies chief executives and billionaires,
面对左翼阵营的这股能量，CEO和亿万富豪们都吓坏了，
and yet many of them have been voicing similar alarms about a crisis of capitalism.
然而，他们中的许多人就资本主义危机也发出了类似的警告。
Ray Dalio, the billionaire co-chairman of the investment firm Bridgewater Associates,
桥水投资公司身价亿万的联席主席雷·戴利奥就在四月份的时候警诫道，
warned in April that America faced a "national emergency" in capitalism's failure to benefit more people,
由于资本主义未能造福更多的人，美国已经进入“全国性的危急状态”，
and he pronounced the American Dream lost.
他还宣称，美国梦已经失落。
The anti-capitalist impulse has some purchase on the right too.
这种反资本主义情绪也在一定程度上牢牢抓住了右翼。
Before he pushed a tax cut that lined the capitalists' pockets,
在推出帮助资本家中饱私囊的减税计划之前，
Donald Trump ran, most improbably, as a Republican skeptical of the financial elite's loyalty to Americans.
特朗普就是以对金融精英对美国民众的忠诚表示怀疑的共和党人的身份参加竞选的，最令人难以置信的事情莫过于此。
On Fox News, Tucker Carlson has entertained a surprising skepticism of capitalist doctrines and said positive things about Warren.
在接受福克斯新闻采访时，塔克·卡尔森也令人意外地对资本主义学说表示怀疑，不仅如此，他还对沃伦予以了肯定。
America loves a capitalist reckoning the way the NFL loves Colin Kaepernick.
美国喜爱评估资本主义就如同国家橄榄球联盟（NFL）喜爱科林·凯珀尼克一样。
But it is having one anyway.
但总之还有一种评估方式。
And if this year that reckoning seemed to reach new intensity,
如果说，今年的评估看似更为紧张了，
it was because the economic precariousness, stalled mobility
那也是因为经济不稳定、社会阶层之间的流动停滞不前，
and gaping social divides that have for years fueled the backlash now had an improbable sidekick:
加之社会阶层的差距——多年来一直在进一步激化上述抵制情绪——如今又不可思议地多了一个帮手：
plutocracy itself and the win-win ideology that has governed the past few decades.
富豪阶层本身以及主宰过去数十载历史的互利共赢思想。
This year, America's ultra-elites seemed to bend over backward to lend support to the idea that maybe the system they superintend needs gut renovating.
或许，被自己支配的（资本主义）体系真的该好好地换换血了。今年，美国的超级精英们似乎都开始不遗余力地支持这一想法了。
As a political movement bubbled up to challenge their wealth and power, the elite's own misbehavior trickled down.
随着这场挑战自己财富和权力的政治运动的兴起，精英阶层自己的那些不当行为也开始逐渐蔓延开来。
And where the two met, ideas that once seemed unutterable started, to many, to sound like the future.
两者一旦相会，对许多人来说，曾经那些看似难以言说的想法都开始变得有可能了。
History is the story of conditions that long seem reasonable until they begin to seem ridiculous.
而历史就是一直看似合理的情况逐渐开始变得荒谬的过程。
So it is with America's present manic hyper capitalism.
美国目前狂热的超级资本主义思潮也是如此。
Until recently, it seemed normal that a technological revolution that began with promises of leveled playing fields had culminated in an age of platform monopolies.
直到最近，社会的常态似乎都是一场技术革命一开始都孕育着公平竞争的希望，待到其进入全盛时期，公平竞争的时代早已变成平台垄断的时代，
Normal that businesspeople should try to make as much money as possible by paying as little as possible in taxes and wages,
是商人就应该一边尽量多挣钱，一边尽量少缴税，少给员工发工资，
then donate a fraction of the spoils to PR-friendly social causes.
再把战利品的一小部分捐给公关友好的社会事业，
Normal that economic security for most Americans was becoming a relic of the past.
是大多数美国民众的经济安全逐渐成为历史，
Normal that people in the street-level marijuana business go to prison
是在街头做大麻生意的人被送进监狱，
while people in the business of selling ads to Russian intelligence go on magazine covers.
而向俄罗斯情报机构出售广告的人却能登上杂志封面，
Normal that bankers could shatter the world economy with their speculating,
是银行家们用投机行为摧毁世界经济，
and that they would be among the few to be made whole after the crisis.
最终依然能成为危机过后还能恢复元气的极个别人之一。
译文由可可原创，仅供学习交流使用，未经许可请勿转载。
