Above all, indiscriminate sanctions are likely to strengthen Iran's hardliners.
最重要的是,不分青红皂白的制裁可能会让伊朗的强硬派有所行动。
American pressure gives them excuses for bad behaviour;
美国方面的压力让其有了不良行为的借口;
adventurism abroad becomes self-defence;
对外冒险主义变成了自卫;
oligarchic control of the economy is portrayed as a means to bust sanctions;
经济寡头控制被描绘成一种破坏制裁的手段;
and critics are dismissed as puppets of the Great Satan.
批评家被斥责为大撒旦的傀儡。
If Iran casts off the JCPOA's nuclear constraints, America and Israel will have to choose between the risk of Iran building a nuclear bomb and the dangers of a bombing campaign to stop it.
America's apparent efforts to bring down the regime are unappealing to most Iranians, given the bloody chaos they see all around.
鉴于伊朗到处都是血腥的混乱局面,美国推翻伊朗政权的显著努力对大多数伊朗人来说毫无吸引力。
The mullahs are still willing to shoot opponents;
毛拉们仍然要射杀反对者;
few ordinary Iranians are yet ready to die trying to overthrow them.
没有几个伊朗平民愿意为推翻毛拉而死。
The best hope for change in Iran may come with the death of Ayatollah Khamenei, who is 79 and in poor health.
伊朗变革的最大希望可能是79岁的健康情况不佳的阿亚图拉哈·梅内伊去世。
To nudge Iran towards normality, America needs to mix firmness with pragmatism, rather as it did in the cold war with the Soviet Union.
为推动伊朗步入正轨,美国需将坚定与实用主义相结合,正如与苏联的冷战中所做的那样。
This means containing Iran until its people grow weary of their rulers, and negotiating partial deals that limit the risk of outright conflict.
这就意味着要容忍伊朗直到伊朗民众厌倦当前统治者,谈判部分能够限制完全冲突风险的协议。
America should seek unity with its own democratic allies and attempt to isolate Iran's revolutionaries from their subjects.
美国应寻求与己方民主盟友的团结,并试图将伊朗革命者与其臣民隔离开来。
It should aim sanctions at hardliners rather than the country as a whole.
制裁的对象应该是强硬派,而非整个国家。
It should do more to expose the regime's brutality and corruption, counter its propaganda and increase contacts with Iranian citizens—giving them more visas to visit America, not fewer.