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After Islamists won the first round of the country’s first multi-party elections in 1991, the military cancelled the results and took power.
1991年，伊斯兰教徒在该国第一轮多党选举中获胜后，军方取消了选举结果并掌权。
This set the stage for a fight for the territory and soul of the country, which pitted Islamist militants against security forces and lasted for 10 years.
这为争夺国家领土和灵魂的斗争创造了条件，伊斯兰激进分子与安全部队的斗争持续了10年。
By the end of the “black decade”, the Algerian people, whose protests had opened the floodgates, were weary and just wanted peace.
在 "黑色十年 "结束时，阿尔及利亚人民的抗议活动打开了闸门，他们已经厌倦了，只想获得和平。
They had been subdued by the bloodlust of militants and the brutality of a military regime willing to do terrifying things to regain control.
他们已经被激进分子的嗜血和军事政权的残暴所压制，为了重新获得控制权，他们不惜做出可怕的事情。
In the early 2000s, Algerians came out of their thwarted revolution in a fog, generally preferring to move on and forget, rather than dig up the recent past.
在21世纪初，阿尔及利亚人从他们受挫的革命中走出来，一般来说，他们更愿意继续前进和忘记，而不是去挖掘最近的历史。
Abdelaziz Bouteflika was elected president in 1999 on a peacebuilding platform, and used an amnesty law to close the 10-year chapter of civil violence.
阿卜杜拉齐兹-布特弗利卡（Abdelaziz Bouteflika）在1999年以和平建设为纲领当选总统，并利用大赦法结束了长达10年的国内暴力事件。
Large numbers of militants took advantage of the amnesty and repented with no repercussions.
大量激进分子利用大赦令，在没有任何影响的情况下进行忏悔。
Critics warned it would amount to amnesia.
批评者警告说，这相当于失忆。
As luck would have it for Bouteflika, oil prices began to rise around the same time, climbing from an annual average of under $30 per barrel in 2003 to over $100 in 2008.
布特弗利卡很幸运，石油价格在同一时间开始上涨，从2003年的年平均每桶30美元以下攀升到2008年的100美元以上。
Oil and gas account for 96% of Algerian exports.
石油和天然气占阿尔及利亚出口的96%。
The state, flush with cash and repressed guilt over the traumas its citizens experienced in the 90s, handed out petrodollars to assuage lingering anxieties with free housing and interest-free loans.
国家由于现金充裕，并对其公民在90年代经历的创伤感到内疚，于是发放石油美元，以免费住房和无息贷款来缓解挥之不去的忧虑。
Violence receded from city streets, and the children who survived the years of terror grew into reserved adults with a social safety net, who believed that their families’ food, healthcare and educational needs would be met regardless of skill or employment.
暴力从城市的街道上消退了，从恐怖年代中幸存下来的儿童成长为有社会安全网的成年人，他们相信，无论技能或就业如何，他们家庭的食物、医疗和教育需求都会得到满足。
So, in 2011, as jubilation at the fall of old regimes raced across a stunned Arab world, Algerians looked on with wariness.
因此，在2011年，当对旧政权倒台的欢呼声在震惊的阿拉伯世界中急速响起时，阿尔及利亚人警惕地观望着。
Things will only get worse, they insisted, painting a prescient tableau of dashed hopes, foreign meddling and an orgy of blood.
他们坚持认为，事情只会变得更糟，他们描绘了一幅希望破灭、外国干涉和流血狂欢的预见性画面。
Yet by 2014, when Bouteflika ran for a fourth presidential term, the cautious optimism of the previous decade had been replaced by fatalism and despair.
然而，到2014年，当布特弗利卡竞选第四个总统任期时，前十年的谨慎乐观已经被宿命论和绝望所取代。
Oil prices collapsed that year and the crash suddenly revealed the Algerian economy’s vulnerabilities: an overdependence on hydrocarbons and an inability to produce anything domestically.
石油价格在那一年崩溃了，这次崩溃突然暴露了阿尔及利亚经济的脆弱性：对碳氢化合物的过度依赖和国内生产能力不足。
