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For many, that means Europe.
对许多人来说，这意味着欧洲。
These young men have grown up in the shadows of two cataclysmic wars.
这些年轻人是在两场灾难性战争的阴影下长大的。
Between 1954 and 1962, more than a million Algerian Muslims died during the war for independence from France.
在1954年至1962年期间，超过一百万阿尔及利亚穆斯林死于脱离法国的独立战争。
After almost 30 years of repressive one-party rule ended in 1991, Algeria descended into violence once again.
在1991年结束了近30年的一党专制统治后，阿尔及利亚再次陷入暴力冲突。
For the next decade, a bloody conflict raged between security forces and Islamist insurgents, leaving some 200,000 Algerians dead.
在接下来的十年里，一场血腥的冲突在安全部队和伊斯兰叛乱分子之间肆虐，造成约20万阿尔及利亚人死亡。
That period is commonly referred to as the “black decade”.
那段时间通常被称为 “黑色十年”。
Since then, security forces have kept a stifling grip on Algeria.
从那时起，安全部队一直对阿尔及利亚保持着扼杀性的控制。
Both the war for independence and the violence of the 1990s helped build a powerful, revolutionary, proudly Arab-African nation-state obsessed with self-rule and suspicious of outside intentions – but also afraid of what comes from within.
争取独立的战争和1990年代的暴力都有助于建立一个强大的、革命的、自豪的阿拉伯-非洲民族国家，它痴迷于自我统治，怀疑外部意图，但也害怕来自内部的东西。
Beneath the outward signs of a meaningful democracy – a free press, political pluralism, resilient institutions – shadowy assemblages of business elites, ruling party figures and generals call the shots.
在一个有意义的民主制度的外表下——新闻自由、政治多元化、有弹性的机构——商业精英、执政党人物和将军们的在幕后发号施令。
The streets are filled with secret police and spies from the KGB-inspired intelligence agency.
街道上到处都是秘密警察和来自克格勃情报机构的间谍。
A curfew mentality still reigns, and there's nothing to do after 6pm.
宵禁的心态依然存在，晚上6点后没有什么可做的。
The system and its citizens are at peace, but remain deeply wary of one another.
这个系统和它的公民都处于和平状态，但仍然对彼此有很强的警惕性。
There was no Arab spring in Algeria in 2011, partly because the memories of extreme violence in the black decade are still fresh, and secret police intercept most protests before they've even begun.
2011年阿尔及利亚没有阿拉伯之春，部分原因是对黑色十年的极端暴力记忆犹新，而且秘密警察在大多数抗议活动开始之前就进行了拦截。
These days, although the Algerian capital pulses at a low intensity, beguiled by a weary calm, currents of violence still wash through it.
这些天来，尽管阿尔及利亚首都在低强度下跳动，被平静所迷惑，但暴力的洪流仍然冲刷着它。
The authorities have managed to co-opt or eliminate all major pockets of dissent, yet scarcely a week goes by without protests – localised, spontaneous micro-riots usually sparked by government policies to redistribute oil profits that favour some at the cost of others.
当局已经设法收编或消除了所有主要的异议群体，但几乎每个星期都有抗议活动——局部的、自发的小规模暴乱，通常是由政府重新分配石油利润的政策引发的，这些政策有利于一些人，却牺牲了其他人。
Another common trigger for unrest is the publication of housing grant lists, since the government routinely gives out free apartments to relatives of local officials rather than low-income families who have been waiting for years.
另一个常见的动乱导火索是住房补助名单的公布，因为政府通常会将免费公寓发放给地方官员的亲属，而不是等待了多年的低收入家庭。
These protests purge, at least briefly, the shame of being dependent on a repressive state, enabling people to reclaim some form of agency.
这些抗议活动至少短暂地清除了依赖压迫性国家的耻辱，使人们能够重新获得某种形式的机构。
Sheep fights have become a rare arena where men can escape the constant supervision of the state.
斗羊已经成为一个罕见的舞台，在这里，人们可以逃避国家的持续监督。
While the fights are technically illegal, authorities allow followers of the sport to stream to unauthorised locations each week.
虽然斗羊在技术上是非法的，但当局允许这项运动的追随者每周流向未经授权的地点。
Leagues in Algiers and the eastern port city of Annaba hold matches on hilltops, football pitches and school courtyards.
阿尔及尔和东部港口城市安纳巴的联赛在山顶、足球场和学校院子里举行比赛。
These range from the amateurish neighbourhood fights, which draw a few hundred local men, to the grand African championship tournaments (held a few times a year in either Algeria or Tunisia – the only two entrants), which attract thousands from all over North Africa.
这些比赛的范围从吸引几百名当地男子的业余邻里比赛，到吸引数千名来自北非各地的人参加的盛大的非洲锦标赛（每年在阿尔及利亚或突尼斯举行几次，这是唯一的两个参赛者）。
