If violence is so rousing, it would seem to be in direct proportion to its power to suspend anything vaguely resembling thought, to release the rush of blood that gives you no time to pause. It allows no introspection, even though – or because – violence plunges so deeply into who we are. A law-breaker at the summit of politics is enticing. Arendt wrote of the danger to the social fabric posed by a world in which state authority and its laws have degenerated to the point where civil order and democracy, or even mere decency, come to be felt as treacherous: "Evil in the Third Reich had lost the quality by which most people recognise it – the quality of temptation." A lawless regime relies on the hidden guilt of human subjects, drawing them into the illicit, dissolute world to which everybody already at least partly belongs in the unconscious (no one is fully innocent in their dreams; forbidden thoughts are the property of everyone). Or, in the words of a southern Baptist woman, asked on BBC television how she could vote for Trump given his moral failings: "We are all sinners."
如果暴力是如此强烈,那么它似乎与它的力量成正比,能中止任何似是而非的思想,释放出让你没有时间停下来的热血。它不允许内省,即使——或者因为——暴力深深地影响了我们的本性。在政治高峰时期,一个犯法之人是极具魅力的。阿伦特写出了在一个国家权威及其法律已经堕落到文明秩序和民主的地步的世界里社会结构所面临的危险,甚至仅仅是正派,也会被认为是奸诈的:“第三帝国的邪恶已经失去了大多数人所认可的品质——诱惑。”一个无法无天的政权依赖于人类主体隐藏的罪行,将他们带入非法的、放荡的世界,每个人在无意识中至少都有一部分属于这个世界(没有谁在梦里是完全清白的;被禁的思想是每个人的财产)。或者用一位南方浸信会妇女的话来说,她在BBC电台被问及考虑到特朗普的道德缺陷为何还将票投给他:“我们都是罪人。”
"Why", asked German columnist Hatice Akyün in the newspaper Der Tagesspiegel, after the murder in June 2019 of Walter Lübcke, a member of Angela Merkel's Christian Democratic Union party (CDU), "are the people of my country not flooding to the streets in disgust?" Lübcke had been killed by a neo-Nazi as revenge for his sympathetic stance on migration. In October 2019, a video was released by a pro-Trump group with connections to the White House, which depicted Trump killing opponents and political journalists (in one sequence, the faces of all those shot, stabbed and punched were covered with the logo of CNN). When challenged, the organiser of the website insisted that the video was merely "satirical": "Hate-speech is a made-up word. You can't cause violence with words."
2019年6月,安格拉·默克尔领导的基督教民主联盟党成员沃尔特·卢布克被谋杀后,德国专栏作家哈蒂斯在《每日镜报》上问道:“为什么我们国家的人民不满怀厌恶地涌上街头?”卢布克被一名新纳粹分子杀害以报复他在移民问题上的同情立场。2019年10月,一个与白宫有联系的亲特朗普团体发布了一段视频,视频中描绘了特朗普杀害对手和政治记者的场景(所有被枪杀、被刺和被打的人的脸上都覆盖着CNN的标志)。当被质疑时,该网站的组织者坚称该视频仅仅是“讽刺”:“Hate-speech(仇恨言论)是一个虚构的词,你不能用言语引发暴力。”
There is a poison in the air, and it is spreading. This world of sanctioned violence, violence elevated to the level of licensed pleasure, is by no means exclusive to Trump and Johnson – even if, by general recognition, they similarly combine the qualities of self-serving autocrat and clown. The glow of attraction between them rivalled that of Reagan and Thatcher, whose belligerent neoliberalism in the 80s prepared the ground for so much of the destructive global order that has followed. But the rise of dictators across the world who boast of their prowess and nurse their distastes – in Hungary, Turkey, Poland, Brazil, India – suggests that we are living, or may be on the verge of living once more, what Arendt described as temptation gone awry.
空气中有一种毒药,它正在扩散。这个暴力横行、暴力被许可并于快乐等同的世界,绝不是特朗普和约翰逊独有的——即使人们普遍认为,他们同样兼具了自私自利的独裁者和小丑的特质。他们之间的吸引力堪比里根和撒切尔,上世纪80年代,他们好战的新自由主义为随后的许多破坏性的全球秩序奠定了基础。但是,世界各地独裁者的崛起——在匈牙利、土耳其、波兰、巴西、印度——他们夸耀自己的实力,并掩饰自己的厌恶——表明,我们正在生活,或者可能即将再次生活,阿伦特称之为“诱惑出了问题”。